网络联署呼吁书:支持陈平福 反对文字狱

网络联署呼吁书:支持陈平福 反对文字狱

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2012年9月19日星期三

(视频)街头艺术家”煽动颠覆国家政权“

(编者:一个具有强大震撼力的视频由一个推文使它传播的更广泛,陈平福就是这样的一位街头艺术家..)



原视频 (youtube)


张健(评论):陈平福案是违宪执法的悲剧

几天前,9月4日,我在博客中国上看到甘雨医生的一文——《起诉书全文陈平福因网文面临牢狱之灾!》。原本打算当天下午撰写一文进行法学和政治学意义上的分 析。然而,由于自己先前对此并不是非常了解,加之紧看到一文说法而已(还有一个原因,就是当天在博客中国撰写的几篇文章,篇篇都遭到了管理员的“打击”, 即发表不久后被删除。)。于是,自己取消分析该事件。

  5日,在博客中国上看到鲁山老泉转载陈平福当事人自己的《我是这样走上“犯罪”道路的》,于此,对此问题有了更进一步的了解。同时,当天在微博上见到众多自由民主追求者纷纷报道陈平福事件的内容。

  6日晚,又在网易上看到推荐的《陈平福涉嫌煽动颠覆国家政权案开庭》。虽然,这个以新闻消息报道的“证实”内容没有什么实质意义的消息,但是,从最近这众多的材料上,自己基本可以总结比最初看到《起诉书全文陈平福因网文面临牢狱之灾!》一文后更详细的认识了。

  坦率地说,看过这些之后,个人非常感慨,出于法学精神,也出于我们追求综合民主或现代民主的世界观、政治观和价值观,自己不得不说,就整个起诉陈平福一事来说,都是在“违宪”法学思想指导下进行的审判。具体地说,我们大概可以从以下几个方面来认识“违宪”法学观。

   首先,该审判违反了《中华人民共和国宪法》。我们都知道,目前官方以所谓的“2007年7月至2012年3月,陈平福在网易、搜狐、新浪等多家网站,用 博客或微博发表、转载了《向埃及人民学习,我们不想再忍受花言巧语的愚弄》、《不当奴化教育的帮凶》、《中国特色——领导创造思想》、《抗拒民主和法制, 全民族都是输家》、《我在自己的祖国被自己的仆人欺负》等34篇文章”来裁定陈平福犯有“通过互联网攻击党和政府,诋毁、诬蔑国家政权与社会主义制度,其行为触犯了《刑法》相关规定,应以煽动颠覆国家政权罪追究其刑事责任”。

  我们都知道,《中华人民共和国宪法》在第二章“公民的基本权利和义务”中明确有以下条款:

  第三十三条 凡具有中华人民共和国国籍的人都是中华人民共和国公民。
  
  中华人民共和国公民在法律面前一律平等。
  
  国家尊重和保障人权。
  
  第三十五条 中华人民共和国公民有言论、出版、集会、结社、游行、示威的自由。
  
  第四十一条 中华人民共和国公民对于任何国家机关和国家工作人员,有提出批评和建议的权利;对于任何国家机关和国家工作人员的违法失职行为,有向有关国家机关提出申诉、控告或者检举的权利,但是不得捏造或者歪曲事实进行诬告陷害。
  
  对于公民的申诉、控告或者检举,有关国家机关必须查清事实,负责处理。任何人不得压制和打击报复。
  
   我们亦知道,陈平福生活在中国大陆地区,即我们大陆绝大多数说的“中华人民共和国”或简称“中国”的地方,这样一来,他就是《宪法》第33条的“是中华 人民共和国公民”。既然他是这个地方的“公民”,那么他就理应有这里宪法赋予的公民基本权利,即宪法第35条、第41条的内容。

  毫无疑问,陈平福此次获罪的原因是一个公民行驶公民对“国家机关和国家工作人员,有提出批评和建议的权利”,而这个权利又属于宪法第35条的“中华人民共和国公民有言论的自由”权利。

  因此,对陈平福的起诉,本身就违反了宪法的精神,是对宪法的不尊重,对宪法明确公布的“公民的基本权利和义务”的蔑视,甚至是践踏。

   其次,此次说陈平福的行为是“通过互联网攻击党和政府,诋毁、诬蔑国家政权与社会主义制度,其行为触犯了《刑法》相关规定,应以煽动颠覆国家政权罪追究 其刑事责任”。我们法学人都知道,根据法理学的基本原则,上位法拥有最高权威,下位法服从上位法,当“下位法”违背“上位法”精神,制定的“下位法”无效。在此,我们也知道,《中华人民共和国宪法》属于法理学上说的“上位法”,是根本法,是制定一切法律的主旨和原则;而《中华人民共和国刑法》,它属于法 理学上的“下位法”,是部门法,是根据“上位法”的《宪法》来制定的。因此,我们现在根据“上位法拥有最高权威,下位法服从上位法”基本原则,就不难发 现,此次所使用的“中华人民共和国刑法”部分中的“危害国家安全罪”对陈平福进行起诉的法律准则和内容,其本身就因为陈平福拥有《宪法》“公民的基本权利 和义务”部分的保护,即我们说的甘肃省兰州市中级法院所根据的中华人民共和国刑法内容审判陈平福,其本质是违反了宪法,或者说,甘肃省兰州市中级法院没有尊重宪法。

   第三,陈平福有言论自由,但是他的这些文章是否构成“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”呢?这里显然存在法律上找不到依据的内容。我们知道,裁决陈平福犯有“煽动颠 覆国家政权罪”,就应该有犯罪事实,即陈平福的这些言论是否起到了作用?他的这些文章内容又是否“颠覆国家政权罪”的结果呢?按照《刑法》上的“无行为则 无罪行”、“无结果则无罪”和“罪行法定”原则,我们在此根本就找不到陈平福有“颠覆国家政权罪”的行为,更不存在“颠覆国家政权罪”的结果。既然没有行 为,又没有结果,那么,官方根据什么来裁决“危害结果”来审判陈平福呢?

   第四,陈平福的文章内容本身应该值得分析。我们都知道,此次官方以“2007年7月至2012年3月,陈平福在网易、搜狐、新浪等多家网站,用博客或微 博发表、转载《向埃及人民学习,我们不想再忍受花言巧语的愚弄》、《不当奴化教育的帮凶》、《中国特色——领导创造思想》、《抗拒民主和法制,全民族都是 输家》、《我在自己的祖国被自己的仆人欺负》等34篇文章”为由起诉陈平福,却不对文章内容的来源和本质进行分析,然后直接裁定陈平福犯有“颠覆国家政权 罪”。我们根据目前官方和媒体所说的,陈平福是“据陈平福公开发表的多篇博文所述,他原是皋兰县一家国企学校的数学教师。2005年,他遭遇了一连串的生 活打击。先是企业倒闭导致失业,继而又生了一场大病,负债累累,孩子又要上大学,生活难以为继。不得已,他来到省城兰州,靠拉小提琴卖艺为生,却多次遭遇 当地政府救助站的‘驱逐和羞辱’”。换言之,陈平福所有自己撰写的文章,都是来自于自己对现实生活的切身体会,是来源于悲惨的命运。因此,我们就可以这么 说,陈平福的创作,实际上和文学作品、时政评论、新闻消息等内容是一样的,都是来自于生活。这样,我们就可以推演出一系列很滑稽,甚至很荒唐的结论:目前 大陆所有的言论都是犯有“颠覆国家政权罪”,无论是中共央视,还是省市媒体,还是一般平民,他们对现实生活的赞美或批评,都是与陈平福的创作来源对象一样,即来自对现实社会的“感知”——不管是好的感知,还是坏的感知。既然都是人们对现实生活的感知,那为什么陈平福的言论就是“颠覆国家政权罪”?而中国 大陆央视、省视、地视,乃至各报纸、杂志等等,这些所有报道、刊出对生活感知的文章,其内容却不认为是“颠覆国家政权罪”?因而,我们可以说,如果陈平福 发表对现实生活的感言文章犯有“颠覆国家政权罪”,那我们所有人都应该是这样的,根本就没有彼此区别。

   综合地说,此次对陈平福因对生活感受发表了一些文章而起诉他犯有“颠覆国家政权罪”,无论从何种角度分析,我们都会裁断一个事实上存在的问题:甘肃省兰 州市中级法院、检察院、公安等司法系统的工作人员,他们对中国大陆的宪法、部门法实在太缺乏真知了解,仅是以应付差事去解决问题。当这样一群法盲执行宪法 及其相关法律时,我们所看到的,就必定是社会的悲剧和群众的悲剧.

  公开“违宪”,就应该执行“违宪”审查制度,即对司法人员及其相关人员进行调查,以匡正宪法在国民心中的至高地位!

2012年9月16日星期日

Human Rights in China Bulletin on Chen Pingfu


Online Protest Grows as Former Teacher Awaits Verdict on “Inciting Subversion of State Power”

2012-09-13
On the September 4, Chen Pingfu (陈平福), a former math and science teacher, was tried in a court in Lanzhou, Gansu Province for “inciting subversion of state power.” The court did not issue a verdict.
In 2005, Chen started playing violin on the street in Lanzhou on weekends to repay debts he had incurred for heart surgery. He was repeatedly harassed by local authorities in Lanzhou and began blogging about his ordeals and the cruelty of city officials. In August 2012, the Lanzhou procuratorate charged him with “inciting subversion of state power,” basing its indictment on 34 articles posted on his blogs.
After Chen’s trial, his story spread on the Internet and, on September 9, Sun Yat-sen University professor and documentary filmmaker Ai Xiaoming (艾晓明) initiated a signature campaign to protest his prosecution. As of September 13, 2012, 323 people have signed, including well-known scholars, writers, and rights defenders inside China and abroad.
There is no indication when the court will rule. It was reported that on September 13, the police officers who have been monitoring Chen left. Chen has been under residential surveillance since June 27, 2012.
Below is an English translation of the indictment by Human Rights in China. For additional background information on Chen, we are including an essay below, written by Yaxue Cao, based on Chen’s blog posts listed in the indictment.

A Portrait of a “Subverter”

by Yaxue Cao
On Tuesday, September 4, a 55-year-old man was on trial for “inciting subversion of state power” in Lanzhou, the capital city of northwestern province of Gansu, China, and the evidence cited in the indictment (see below for translation) consists of a long list of blog posts and nothing else. So it is a case of the crime of self-expression. The sentence hasn’t been announced, and at the end of the trial, the court announced that he would continue to be “residing under surveillance” (监视居住) until the sentence comes.
His name is Chen Pingfu (陈平福). He was 20 years old when China, under Deng Xiaoping’s leadership, reinstituted national college examination. He excelled in the exams, and entered Northwest Normal University in Lanzhou majoring in mathematics. Upon graduating he was assigned a teaching job at the vocational school of Victory Machinery Factory of Capital Steel (首钢胜利机械厂) in Gaolan (皋兰) on outskirts of Lanzhou. There he taught math for more than two decades.
In May 2005, he suffered a heart attack and was sent to a hospital. His employer, a Mao-era state-owned enterprise on the brink of bankruptcy, was unable to help him with funds needed for surgery, nor could he afford it himself.  He had to leave the hospital. His father gathered his younger siblings, pleading help from them for their older brother. They pulled together more than 50,000 yuan [about $6,000 at the time] and Chen Pingfu underwent a successful heart bypass surgery.
He was anxious to pay the debt, losing sleep sometimes, not because his siblings were pressuring him, but because none of them were well-off. One of his younger sisters, a cleaning woman in a small town making 150 a month yuan [about $20], gave him what was likely her life’s savings: 10,000 yuan[about $1,212].
With few means to make money, Chen Pingfu decided to play violin on the street. On Saturdays and Sundays he traveled 30 miles from Gaolan to downtown Lanzhou to do that. It wasn’t easy for an educated Chinese man with a keen sense of “face.” On his first trip, he chose a site but paced for an hour before taking out his violin and spreading a sheet on the floor that read: “Employee of Victory Machinery Factory, deeply in debt due to heart surgery, have to perform on street for alms.”
He played the famous Butterfly Lovers’ Violin Concerto (the musical retelling of the Chinese classical tale of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai, the so-called Chinese Romeo and Juliet) and Robert Shumann’s “Träumerei,” among other pieces. To those who thought he was a fraud, he gave his employer’s phone number for verification. But mostly he met with compassion, encouragement, and generosity. Once, a five-year-old girl pulled her mother to a stop, listened, and handed him a 1 yuan [about $0.15] bill with both hands. Another time, a man stopped and listened, then disappeared into a hotel but sent a porter with 50 yuan [about $6]. Other musicians gave him tips on how to play better. Along the way, he improved his playing.
It went well, so well that Sohu.com, a major Internet service provider in China, interviewed him about his “success” and the positive social aspects of his story. It is from this interview, now available on Youtube, and the articles listed in his indictment that I learned his story.
In 2009, as his factory prepared for bankruptcy and he had no job to go to, he played violin on street in the afternoons. For one reason or the other, he didn’t talk about the dark side of his street experience in the interview. On the street he was scolded and threatened by liuguan (流管, migrant population administration) and jiuzhu zhan (救助站, relief station) workers who came not to lend him a hand but to get rid of him. They told him, “The government forbids performing on street for money!” They pressed him onto the ground to subdue him. An officer from the relief station shouted at him, “I’ll send you to your death if you dare be a nuisance! Who do you think you are? Making you die is nothing for us! Go with us if you dare, and see how we will tidy you up!” (Quoted from his blog post “Fight against Brutality and Pursue Civilization.”)
One time, a group of men from the Relief Station seized him and threw him into a truck with metal bars. In the heat of the summer, after struggling with the thugs, his heart beat faster and his chest tightened. He begged his captors to let him out, but they laughed at him, and one of them told him he was out of his mind.
On the street, he also witnessed other cruelties. A woman’s basket of peaches was snatched away from her by a chengguan (城管, urban management) officer; a middle-aged shoeshine man was chased away.
As he played violin on street, he also set up several blogs, pouring out his anger, his frustration, and his thoughts on the ills in Chinese society. Not surprisingly, he was summoned and warned by the authorities.
As 2011 began, Chen Pingfu found a teaching job in the southwestern province of Yunnan. Still in Chinese New Year holiday season, he took a flight, for the first time in his life, to Yunnan, some 1,500 miles away. He had had enough trouble playing violin on the street and writing blogs. His plan was to give up both blogging and playing violin on street to teach children math and science and music. After all, he said, he needed to live first. Three days after he arrived in Yunnan, his former employer called, asking where he was. Soon after, the school’s principal, an old friend of his, received a call from police department in Gansu Province. The local police summoned the principal and interrogated him about Chen’s activities and their relationship. The principal pressed Chen about what he had done, and he didn’t want to be ruined for “hiding away a criminal.” Chen said again and again that he was not a criminal. The Yunnan police asked the principal to fire Chen and send him away within 24 hours.
He was back in Gansu Province in less than a week at his new job. This, despite repeated promises he has made to “relevant organ” that he would not write any more blog posts once he started working. Back in Lanzhou, he called the “relevant organ” to protest, and the person on the other end of the line burst out laughing.
In his blog posts, he told his stories, the humiliation and brutalities he had been subjected to. He reflected on the fundamental ills of the system, the lack of rule of law, and the abuses of power around him. He cheered the democratic revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia. He expressed deep gratitude toward the ordinary Chinese who had helped him in one way or the other.  He voiced his intense disgust for an education centered on tooling children according to the Party’s design. He hoped China would transition peacefully into a democratic country where traditional Chinese culture can be restored and a constitutional political system established, and where he can make a living and play violin freely without being persecuted by the authorities. Chen was determined to continue to speak out. He said in one of his blog posts: “As long as they don’t have an explanation or justification for me, I will continue to tell my story, expose the inhuman crimes perpetrated by the so-called people’s servants, and condemn this lying system.” (Quote from “I May Be Beaten to Death by Thugs, but I Will Not Be Cowed to Death.”)  
On June 27, 2012, he was charged with “inciting subversion of state power” for his blog posts and subjected to residential surveillance. He would have been jailed if not for his coronary heart disease.
“At the hardest time of my life when I had to give up treatment and go home to wait for my death…when I needed relief the most, there was no government to be seen. But when I was deeply in debt, and jobless, and had no choice but to play violin on the street to help myself, the Relief Station of Lanzhou’s municipal government came with a barred jail truck,” Chen Pingfu wrote in one post. (Quoted from “Weasels Serve Chickens.”)
In another, he wrote, “Looking back at my life thus far, I found that I had lived meaninglessly for all these years without doing one worthwhile and meaningful thing. I cannot swallow the humiliation in silence; I have kept thinking and reading to break the cultural dictatorship so that my mind can go to a farther and wider world.” (Quoted from “I Cannot Bear the Humiliation in Silence.”)
But instead of a farther and wider world, he has found himself in jail—in China.
(Yaxue Cao is a writer and translator based in Washington, D.C. She blogs about human rights conditions and the rule of law in China at Seeing Red in China.)

Lanzhou Municipal People’s Procuratorate of Gansu Province

Indictment

 [2012] No.120
Defendant Chen Pingfu; male; Han nationality; born March 1, 1957; identification number 622725195703011415; undergraduate education; registration residence:  Apt 101, 301 Xinxing Road, Shidong Township, Gaolan County; residing at Apt 3B-202, Building 2, Fengning Deshang Residential Complex, 284 Zhaolin Road, Anning District, Lanzhou.  On June 27, 2012, Chen was put under residential surveillance on suspicion of inciting subversion of state power as determined by the Gaolan County Public Security Bureau.
The Gaolan County Public Security Bureau has concluded its investigation of this case. The Gaolan County People’s Procuratorate submitted his case to the Lanzhou Municipal People’s Procuratorate for examination and review for indictment. The examination conducted according to law has found that:
Between July 2007 and March 2012, the defendant Chen Pingfu registered blogs or microblogs under the name “Chen Pingfu” on NetEase, Baidu, Sohu, Mtime.com, Sina, Tianya, and other websites where he published or reposted 34 articles including “This Is a Fight for the Spiritual Destiny between Good and Evil” (这是一场心灵归宿的正邪大战), “Weasels Serve Chickens” (黄鼠狼为鸡服务) “Fight against Brutality, Pursue Civilization” (对抗野蛮,追求文明), “Robbery or Law Enforcement?” (抢劫?执法?) “How the Rule of Law Can Be Used Only to Bind Ordinary People” (依法治国岂能只顾捆绑普通百姓) “An Unyielding Soul Will Never Be Conquered” (不屈的灵魂永远无法被征服!) “Learn from Egyptians—We Will Not be Fooled by Sweet Lies Anymore” (向埃及人民学习,我们不想再忍受花言巧语的愚弄) “I Cannot Bear the Humiliation in Silence” (我无法默默地忍受屈辱), “Prop Up Socialism , Suffer Hard Times, Dance in Shackles” (社会主义挺着,艰难的日子忍着,戴着镣铐的舞跳着), “Do Not Be Accomplices of Education That Enslaves” (不当奴化教育的帮凶), “The Bugle Call to Overturn the Dictators Has Sounded” (推翻独裁者的号角已经吹响), “Withdraw All Political Parties from Schools” (一切党派退出学校), “A Ghost under the Dictator’s Knife: To Wang Lijun” (专制刀下的鬼— 送给王立军) “Don’t Trick Me, the Whole World Knows” (不要忽悠我,地球人都知道), “Wake Up, Living People!” (活着的人,醒来吧!), “Wherever Great Leaders Appear, the People Are Bound to Suffer” (伟大领袖出现在哪里,那里的人民必定遭殃!) “Use Bright Lights to Illuminate Reality, Use Beautiful Violin Music to Move Society” (用明亮的灯光照亮现实,用迷人的琴声感动社会), “Attempting  to Stop the Tide of Democracy Is to Resist the Will of God” (企图阻挡民主潮流,就是抗拒上帝的旨意), “At the Heart of an Authoritarian System Is Official Power, at the Heart of a Democratic System Is Civil Rights” (专制制度以官权为中心,民主制度以民权为中心) “Chinese Characteristics: Leaders Create Thinking” (中国特色—领导创造思想), “Government Bans Making a Living Illicitly, Tunisians Overthrew Ali” (政府不许非法谋生,突尼西亚人将阿里赶下台), “Truth Has Power, True Words Have Energy” (真理具有力量,真话具有能量), “The Whole Nation Will Be at a Loss If Democracy and Rule of Law Are Resisted” (抗拒民主和法制,全民族都是输家), “A Nightmare: Traveled from the Northwest to the Southwest over 10 Days to Find Work But Was Forced to Return” (十天内从大西北到大西南打工挣钱,又被迫返回原地,一场噩梦), “Humanity’s Quest for Freedom and Dignity Is Reaching a Consensus” (人类对自由与尊严的追求正在达成共识), “I Protest with Anger the Authorities’ Infringement  of My Right to Make a Living” (愤怒抗议有关部门剥夺我打工挣钱谋生的权利!), “I Am Left Helpless, I Can Only Continue to Pursue the Path of No Return to Freedom and Dignity” (我被逼无奈,只好接着走这追求自由和尊严的不归之路), “I Want Freedom, Dignity, and to Live a Normal Life” (要自由、要尊严,我要像正常人一样生活), “This Tiger of Power Is Frightening Indeed” (真的好可怕啊,权力这个老虎), “I Was Bullied by Civil Servants in My Own Homeland” (我在自己的祖国被自己的仆人欺负), “A Nation That Imprisons Thoughts Is Hopeless” (被禁锢思想的国家是没有希望的), “There Is Such a Political System” (有这样的一个政治制度), and “The Greatest Enemy of Our Times” (我们这个年代最大的敌人). In these articles he expressed such inflammatory views as that Marxism, Leninism, Mao Zedong Thoughts, Deng Xiaoping Theory, Three Represents, and Scientific Development have no benefit for the society and the people; that the Communist Party rule knows only to push ordinary people around and not let them make a living; that the current system is not democratic enough, and that democracy and constitutionalism should be implemented.
The aforementioned facts of crime are proven by documentary evidence, material evidence, and the defendant’s statements.
The procuatorate believes that the defendant Chen Pingfu disregarded state laws and spread speech attacking the Communist Party and the government to unspecified Internet users, defaming and slandering state power and the socialist system.  His actions have violated the stipulations of Article 105(2) of the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China. The facts of the crime are clear, the evidence is reliable and sufficient, and he should be found criminally responsible for the crime of inciting subversion of state power. This procuratorate is initiating prosecution proceedings against the defendant on the basis of the provisions of Article 141 of the Criminal Procedural Law of the People’s Republic of China, and asks for a judgment in accordance with the law.
Addressed to:
Gansu Lanzhou Municipal Intermediate People’s Court
Deputy Prosecutor: Wang Hailong (王海龙)
August 2, 2012
(The original Chinese indictment is available on Citizens’ Square.)
Link (Human Rights in China)

2012年9月12日星期三

时代周刊 《TIME》China: Laid-off Teacher Faces Inciting Subversion Charges for Online Posts


China: Laid-off Teacher Faces Inciting Subversion Charges for Online Posts



With his thin frame, shabby suit and graying hair, Chen Pingfu, who played his violin for handouts on the streets of northwestern Chinese city of Lanzhou, hardly seemed to be a threat to anyone. But after he wrote a series of online essays criticizing the country’s ruling Communist Party, the 55-year-old laid-off teacher was accused of “inciting subversion of state power”—a criminal charge generally reserved for China’s most prominent dissidents.

Such cases are generally handled quietly in China, with little mention in the domestic press and online discussion closely censored, despite whatever attention and criticism they may receive from foreign governments and human rights activists abroad. A prime example is literary critic Liu Xiaobo, who was sentenced to an 11-year prison term for inciting subversion in 2009. He is little known or discussed at home, but was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2010. Chen is the complete opposite. Largely unknown outside China, he has gained a surprising level of online support in China since he went on trial Sept. 4.

On Chinese blogs and Twitter-like services such as Sina Weibo, many people describe Chen as an exemplar of free speech who wrote about the injustices he faced in Chinese society. “I think they identify themselves with him because he is an ordinary person,” says Wang Songlian, a Hong Kong-based researcher for the ngo Chinese Human Rights Defenders. “He doesn’t have connections, he’s not rich, he’s not going forward in life. A lot of netizens feel the same.” Some commenters expressed concern over the effect his case might have on online discourse, which despite censorship has seen significant room for discussion of sensitive topics in recent years. “If this is a crime, then how many people who are active on Weibo should be convicted?” wrote Xing Jianmin, a lawyer from Hebei province. “How is it that the jails aren’t exploding?”

(MORE: Gulag Reform: Will China Stop Sending Its Dissidents to Labor Camps?)

Caixin, an aggressive Beijing-based business magazine, ran a story on its website that was later removed. When Hong Kong-based Phoenix Media re-posted the Caixin story on its website, it quickly gathered more than 120,000 comments, largely from mainlanders in support of Chen. “For a lot of people this case involves different layers of injustice that generate considerable empathy and make people angry,” says Joshua Rosenzweig, an independent human rights researcher based in Hong Kong. “This is not somebody who is a veteran political dissident. Those sort of people may not generate that kind of empathy. People feel they should know better, that they are just causing trouble. This guy, he’s got a grievance with the system and there seems to be a good reason. People see why he might question whether the one-party system has been good for China.”

Amid China’s boom, Chen serves as a stark reminder that for all the fortunes made and hundreds of millions lifted out of poverty, others have been left behind. Born in 1957, Chen was one of the first generation of students to take the national college entrance examination after it was reintroduced following the chaos of the 1966-76 Cultural Revolution, when universities were largely shuttered. He attended the Northwest Normal University from 1978-82, and took a job at the Shengli Machinery Factory in 1984. The factory originally made armaments as part of Mao Zedong’s “Third Front,” when industrial production was developed in the Chinese interior, far from the threat of potential foreign invasion. During the Cold War demand was strong, and despite its remote location business was good for the factory. Chen, who taught various subjects for workers’ evening classes, married and had a son. In the 1990s China began to streamline its military, and the factory struggled to transition to useful commercial products, like farm equipment.

Chen had his own struggles, too. He underwent heart surgery in 2005, and had to pay the $6,000 expense out of pocket. At the same time his son was planning to attend college, adding to his debt woes. So Chen began playing his violin on the streets of Lanzhou to earn extra money in his spare time. Three years later, the factory went bankrupt, forcing him to busk full-time. The ill treatment he received from local police, employees of a local rescue shelter, and urban management officers known as chengguan drove him to start writing online in 2007. “During my days of playing violin on the street, I was constantly insulted and abused by people from the government. They didn’t help me at all,” he told TIME in a phone interview from Lanzhou, where he remains under house arrest pending the outcome of his trial. “It was only the general public that gave me the help. That made me decide to write articles online.”

(MORE: Chinese Dissidents’ Stories of Abuse in Detention Emerge)

Chen says he wrote 300 to 400 articles over the next five years. Prosecutors in Lanzhou identified 34 in particular as evidence of the charge of inciting subversion. The titles include “I Can’t Bear Humiliation in Silence,” “The Call to Overthrow the Dictators Has Sounded” and “I Want Freedom, Respect and to Live Like a Normal Person.” They all bear the distinct voice of an educated man who once held a respected position in society enraged by the abuse he endures as an outcast hustling for a living on the streets. “Yesterday I saw a gang of fierce, imposing chengguan who drove away a middle-aged shoeshine man,” he wrote in a 2010 essay called “A Weasel Serves the Chickens. “That shoeshine man wasn’t doing anything to inconvenience pedestrians, so why did they drive him off? If it weren’t for family difficulties or a lack of money, who would subserviently shine shoes like that?”

Chen places much of the blame for the injustices he faced on authoritarian system, and by endorsing the Arab Spring last year he made himself a target for the crackdown that followed in China. In an essay from February 2011 titled “Study the Egyptians, We Don’t Want to Be Fooled Again,” he wrote, “I’m convinced that if we didn’t have the (Communist) Party’s leadership, this society would finally be harmonious and peaceful.” At that time Chen says he found a new job teaching in southern Yunnan province, but police blocked him from taking it due to his writing, which only increased his desperation. “They accuse me of attacking the social system,” he told TIME. “Indeed, I am attacking the system. It’s too brutal. The general public is very kind, but the government is inhumane. I’m not insulted by their accusations because I’m innocent. I only spoke the truth.”

His defense attorney, Lanzhou-based He Huixin, argued that Chen’s criticism of the government and the Communist Party don’t equal an attack on the state. He noted the same reasoning was put forward in 1933 on behalf of Chen Duxiu, a co-founder of the Chinese Communist Party, who was accused of threatening the state by Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist government. The argument didn’t work, and Chen Duxiu was convicted, but a public outcry spared him a harsh sentence. Nearly a century later, it’s unlikely the argument will work for Chen Pingfu, either, but he too can hope the concerns of China’s online masses will save him a long prison term.

—with reporting by Chengcheng Jiang / Beijing
MORE: Murder, Lies, Abuse Of Power and Other Crimes Of the Chinese Century



Read more: http://world.time.com/2012/09/11/teacher-violinist-enemy-of-the-state-web-posts-spur-free-speech-debate-in-china/#ixzz26Dz4NrM8

2012年9月11日星期二

网络联署呼吁书:支持陈平福 反对文字狱(签名更新)


(编注:甘肃 兰州 陈平福 因言被罪,《网络联署呼吁书:支持陈平福 反对文字狱》正在广泛传播,签名每日更新:签名更新链接-谷歌文档

网络联署呼吁书:支持陈平福 反对文字狱

网络消息:甘肃省兰州市中级法院于9月4日开庭审理了陈平福涉嫌“煽动颠覆国家政权”案。被起诉人陈平福,失业教师。陈平福在网易、搜狐、新浪等多家网站上发表和转载过若干博文,如《向埃及人民学习,我们不想再忍受花言巧语的愚弄》、《不当奴化教育的帮凶》、《中国特色领导创造思想》、《愤怒抗议有关部门剥夺我打工挣钱谋生的权利!》等等。起诉书认为,陈平福通过互联网攻击党和政府,诋毁、诬蔑国家政权与社会主义制度,其行为触犯了《刑法》相关规定,应以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”追究其刑事责任。

甘肃荣庆律师事务所何辉新律师当庭为陈平福做无罪辩护。何辉新律师认为,首先,中国《宪法》第35条规定公民“ 有言论、出版、集会、结社、游行、示威的自由”。陈平福在互联网发表文章,有的是根据自己的遭遇撰写的,有的是转载的;其目的不过是为了表达“对现状不满,发泄心中的不快”。文中没有“造谣、诽谤”的内容,他是在履行《宪法》赋予一个公民对政府的监督权。这如何能被认为是“煽动颠覆国家政权、推翻社会主义制度”?其次,政府不等于国家,公民批评政府工作人员、乃至批评政府,不等于要颠覆国家政权。

我们支持何辉新律师所做的陈平福无罪辩护词,我们还认为,兰州检察院针对一个普通公民行使表达权的行为予以恶意起诉,令人震惊,骇人听闻。这是一起典型的以言治罪的案例,它对全社会发出了恐怖信号:新的一轮文化大革命、新的一轮文字狱将拿普通公民开刀了。这件事发生在中共十八大召开前夕,尤其具有不平凡的意义。这是公然挑战宪法赋予公民的神圣权利,也是挑战即将上任的新一届中共领导团队:十八大之后,每一位中国公民的言论自由权将会遭遇何种处境?

回顾历史,在当代中国,发生过难以计数的以言治罪悲剧。继反胡风运动之后,1957年的反右派运动,以言治罪达到前所未有的程度,给整个国家和人民带来深重的灾难。1966年毛泽东发动文化大革命,同样是从以言治罪开始。在今天的互联网时代,在新媒体和信息技术得到广泛应用的中国社会,如果发表和转载网文即涉嫌犯罪,这在全世界呈现了一个什么样的大国形象?又将开启一个规模何其广大的政治迫害时代!

尽管主流媒体对这场审判没有报道,尽管陈平福只是一个名不见经传的小人物;但是,在今天的网络时代,人们追求思想自由的意志势不可挡,翻越防火墙的能力也空前高涨。陈平福的名字和思想在网络上迅速传布,以至于有网民发出“我们都是陈平福”的呼喊。兰州检察院对陈平福的起诉书,激起诸多网民的愤怒、抗议和嘲讽。这场审判被认为“代表目前我国司法水平的全面堕落,公诉书狗屁不通”,“再有了判决,中国司法史的最差案件记录就产生了。“”公诉人满口‘打江山坐江山’的封建思想,却硬要将一个苦于生计、街头卖艺又屡屡被城管和救助站侮辱和收容,一心追求能有尊严自由地活下去,渴望这个国家变好且坚信她会变好的患有心脏病的55岁的白发老人,以颠煽罪送入牢房。”“陈平福的命很贱,你就是杀掉他,也不过等于是按死了一只蚂蚁,但这并不能增添兰州的光荣,恰恰相反。”“其实网民是抓不完的。你可以随时按死一只蚂蚁,但你能按死所有的蚂蚁吗?”

姑且不论,陈平福的所谓“有罪”言论,还都是在国内的网站上发表的,这些网站深受中共宣传部控制。他们对言论进行严格筛选,反复过滤。由此幸存下来的陈平福网文,居然还能成为“涉嫌煽动颠覆国家政权罪”的证据;那么,被这些网站屏蔽、删除的文章、微博,其作者岂非人人当诛!陈平福有罪,那么允许他发表文章、开设博客的网站该当何罪?那些网站的负责人,是不是协同犯罪,甚至是罪魁祸首?如此推论,根本应该追究允许互联网进入中国的那些政府部门,如果没有互联网,陈平福又何从获取信息并发表和转发他人言论?!

如果说,上述推论是荒唐的;那么,开审网民陈平福就是一场司法闹剧,目的是震慑、打压那些关注现实并提出批评的意见人士。但是,就在此时此刻,互联网上,海量的信息在流动;无数网民以博文、微博的形式揭露现实危机,表达反腐诉求,谴责贪官污吏,揭露思想专制,呼唤民主宪政……这一切,不仅是行使着中华人民共和国宪法所保障的公民权利,而且是践行中国政府庄严签署的《世界人权宣言》。在这个具有普世价值的文本上记载着:

第十九条
人人有权享有主张和发表意见的自由;此项权利包括持有主张而不受干涉的自由;和通过任何媒介和不论国界寻求、接受和传递消息和思想的自由。

第二十七条
(一)人人有权自由参加社会的文化生活,享受艺术,并分享科学进步及其产生的福利。

我们必须行动起来,保卫陈平福,反对以言治罪。因为,保卫陈平福就是保卫我们每一位公民的权利,保卫此时此刻正在电脑前点击键盘、移动鼠标的每一位网民的权利,保卫人们自由交流的权利,保卫人们自由获取以及发表信息的权利。

今天在中国,人们的言论空间比较起反右和文革的黑暗时代已经有了极大的拓展,这是如林昭、遇罗克等无数坚持自由思想者用鲜血和生命换来的。但是,审判陈平福,就是扭转历史车轮,退向那个并不遥远的黑暗时代。更何况,在陈平福之前,已经有了多项恶劣的先例:谭作人调查川震豆腐渣工程和遇难学生名单被追究网文,因“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”被判处五年监禁。“福建三网民”为遇难女性发帖鸣冤,被判诽谤罪获刑;王荔蕻因声援三网民被判“寻衅滋事”罪入狱。方竹笋、任建宇因为若干微博言论甚至是在他人漫画上加评论被劳教。近日来还有朱承志因拍摄李旺阳被自杀照片被以“涉嫌煽动颠覆国家政权”批捕……

如果我们今天不站出来保卫陈平福的言论表达权,那我们对自由民主的追求,对现实问题的揭露以及对公共事务的批评意见,同样会被歪曲和妖魔化;以至于“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”会像非典一样流行开来,成为权势集团打击报复的手段,成为对批评者实施政治迫害的工具;文革时代肆意将不同意见者打成反革命的悲剧势必重演。这是对整个社会肌体的致命打击,是对公共良知的戕害;在这样的人权灾难面前,我们绝不能沉默。

我们呼吁,所有希望中国走向民主、开放和文化多元性的人们,所有希望我们的下一代不再生活在思想专制中的人们,所有关注中国民主转型的学者、思想家、人权卫士、网络公民,大家都来参与网络联署,在“支持陈平福,反对文字狱”的呼吁书上签上你的名字。

签名表链接

通过电邮签名请送至: freechenpingfu@gmail.com

请关注: 艾晓明工作室博客(4)关于 《网络联署呼吁书:支持陈平福 反对文字狱》专栏

《自由亚洲-粤语》陈平福被“以言入罪”多人抱不平


2012-09-10

甘肃兰州教师陈平福因网上发表政治文章被控“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”,目前正等候判决,数十名海内外人士联署呼吁,支持陈平褔,反对文字狱。(海蓝报道)

甘肃兰州失业教师陈平褔因网上政治文章被控“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”,网民呼吁联署支持陈平褔反对文字狱,截至周六,三十多名海内外维权人士、学者签名支持,包括胡佳、王茘蕻、艾晓明及严正学等。联署内容指,兰州检察院针对一个普通公民行使表达权的行为予以起诉,令人震惊。这是一宗典型以言治罪的案例,它对全社会发出恐怖信号。这件事发生在十八大召开前,公然挑战宪法赋予公民的权利。

联署的北京异见人士胡佳指,他不清楚有多少人参与,这代表联署人士现时的统一意旨,尤其今天是教师节,陈平褔也是教师,独立思考的教师是国家的财富,他怎么可以在兰州被指控煽动颠覆国家政权罪,陷入司法打压,这是不公平。

他说:我本人在第一批签名里,我跟严正学曾被判处这个刑法,我们知道这个煽动颠覆国家政权罪,它不是国法是党法,是维护党权的一种私刑,这种东西降临在老师头上的话,我们觉得不公平。

就联署,陈平褔表示,有朋友致电告诉他这个联署活动,这是好事情,但他没有上网,不清楚具体情况。另外,他又指,他是失业教师,但他不想继续任教,因为教育控制思想严重,尤其政治课程。他说:尤其这个教育,我觉得这个政治课,对人的思想控制确实太严重,很多年青人不关心时事政治,那些东西都是官方对人的思想及精神控制,所以很多年青人没有动静。

陈平褔的案件于上周二兰州中院开庭,但至今仍未宣判。他自去年2月起被监视居住。

兰州巿中院起诉书指,2007年至12年3月,被告陈平褔先后在网易、百度、搜狐等网站发表,转载30多篇文章说,马列主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论等和人民没任何好处,共产党执政只知道欺压百姓,应该实行民主宪政等煽动性观点。本院认为他无视国法,在互联网上针对不特定网民,散布攻击党和政府言论等,应当以煽动颠覆国家政权罪追究刑责。

原文链接(自由亚洲-粤语)